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Friday, February 29, 2008

Language Log: Poor, arid, and, in appearance, deformed

Language Log: Poor, arid, and, in appearance, deformed

February 25, 2008

Poor, arid, and, in appearance, deformed

Were the basic characteristics of Newtonian physics determined by the way that Indo-European languages treat space and time? That was the thesis of an article published in MIT's alumni magazine in April of 1940 (Benjamin Lee Whorf, "Science and Linguistics", Technology Review, 42(6): 229-231, 247-248).

This is surely the most influential article ever to appear in a publication of that type.

I haven't read this work since I was an undergraduate, but an opportunity to read it again came up last weekend. I was staying with Barbara Scholz and Geoff Pullum in Edinburgh, and Barbara is working on some philosophical aspects of the Sapir/Whorf hypothesis. As a result of re-reading this article and talking about it with Barbara, I had a small insight about one aspect of Whorf's idea. I expect that this same observation has been made before, perhaps often, in the vast literature on the topic. But it was new to me, and so I'll share it with you.

Whorf's article starts like this:

Every normal person in the world, past infancy in years, can and does talk. By virtue of that fact, every person — civilized or uncivilized — carries through life certain naive but deeply rooted ideas about talking and its relation to thinking. Because of their firm connection with speech habits that have become unconscious and automatic, these notions tend to be rather intolerant of opposition. They are by no means entirely personal and haphazard; their basis is definitely systematic, so that we are justified in calling them a system of natural logic — a term that seems to me preferable to the term common sense, often used for the same thing.

This idea of "natural logic" as determined by "speech habits" leads Whorf to "a new principle of relativity",

which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar, or can in some way be calibrated. This rather startling conclusion is not so apparent if we compare only our modern European languages, with perhaps Latin and Greek thrown in for good measure. Among these tongues there is a unanimity of major pattern which at first seems to bear out natural logic. But this unanimity exists only because these tongues are all Indo-European dialects cut to the same basic plan, being historically transmitted from what was long ago one speech community.

This is not just a matter of "Eskimo words for snow" and the like:

What surprises most is to find that various grand generalizations of the Western world, such as time, velocity, and matter, are not essential to the construction of a consistent picture of the universe. The psychic experiences that we class under these headings are, of course, not destroyed; rather, categories derived from other kinds of experiences take over the rulership of the cosmology and seem to function just as well.

His most extensive example contrasts the common-sense physics of the Indo-European speech community with that created by Hopi, which he says "may be called a timeless language". He adds:

Hopi grammar, by means of its forms called aspects and modes, also makes it easy to distinguish among momentary, continued, and repeated occurrences, and to indicate the actual sequence of reported events. Thus the universe can be described without recourse to a concept of dimensional time. How would a physics constructed along these lines work, with no T (time) in its equations? Perfectly, as far as I can see, though of course it would require different ideology and perhaps different mathematics. Of course V (velocity) would have to go too. The Hopi language has no word really equivalent to our 'speed' or 'rapid.' What translates these terms is usually a word meaning intense or very, accompanying any verb of motion. Here is a clue to the nature of our new physics. We may have to introduce a new term I, intensity. Every thing and event will have an I, whether we regard the thing or event as moving or as just enduring or being. Perhaps the I of an electric charge will turn out to be its voltage, or potential. We shall use clocks to measure some intensities, or, rather, some RELATIVE intensities, for the absolute intensity of anything will be meaningless. Our old friend acceleration will still be there but doubtless under a new name. We shall perhaps call it V, meaning not velocity but variation. Perhaps all growths and accumulations will be regarded as V's.

An enormous amount has been written to support or challenge various aspects of this argument. Is Hopi really timeless, in any sense in which English is not? Are the metaphorical connections between time and space really fundamentally different in Hopi and in English? And how much do the differences that exist really matter to "natural logic" and to the development of science? If you're interested in these things, Ekkehart Malotki's Hopi Time is a good account of the Hopi side of the comparison.

The thing that struck me about this passage was the reference to Hopi's lack of words for 'speed' or 'rapid'. Whorf's examples on the English side are unwisely chosen -- until the 16th century and later, English speed meant something like "success, prosperity, power"; and rapid was borrowed in the 17th century from Latin rapidus, an adjective based on the verb rapere "to snatch". So if English had any time-specific words for 'speed' or 'rapid' before Newton's time, they weren't, specifically, 'speed' or 'rapid'.

Malotki takes Whorf to task for the Hopi side of the speed/rapid assertion:

Whorf contended that "the Hopi language has not word really equivalent to our 'speed' or 'rapid.' What translates these terms is usually a word meaning intense of very, accompanying any verb of motion." This statment is true in so far as no nominal lexeme exists in the Hopi language that conveys the value 'speed/velocity.' It is also true that the notion of 'fast' in conjunction with 'running' is frequently captured by the quantifying intensifiers a'ni in the case of a male speaker and hin'ur in the case of a female speaker. Their basic force maybe rendered 'a great/a lot.' The semantic range of a'ni and hin'ur extends metaphorically to such values as 'fast/loud/excellent,' etc., depending on the given contextual circumstances.

[...]

It is not true, however, that no word is found that might be considered an equivalent of English 'rapid.' Halayvi is an adjective that translates 'quick/fast,' occasionally also 'active' or 'lively'.

More generally, I wondered about the English words for quantities like velocity, distance and time. It seems likely to me that most of them -- maybe all of them - originally meant things having nothing to do with their meanings in Newtonian (or for that matter Aristotelian) physics, or were borrowed recently, or both. In many cases, the physics-related senses are originally extended or metaphorical ones, which were developed during the Enlightenment, when intellectuals focused their attention on such abstract concepts, and began to think and to write about them in the vulgar tongues of Europe.

Barbara and I spent a few minutes probing the OED and other dictionaries, and found many examples confirming this hypothesis in the case of English.

According to the OED, speed comes from OE spówan "to prosper, succeed", and the early uses are given the glosses "Abundance; Power, might; Success, prosperity, good fortune; profit, advancement, furtherance". The sense of "Quickness in moving or making progress from one place to another, usually as the result of special exertion; celerity, swiftness; also, power or rate of progress" was originally a figurative extension of the "prosper/power" meaning. The abstract modern sense of "rate of motion" doesn't seem to emerge at all until the 16th century, and doesn't dominate for a long time after that.

Thus in Whorfian terms, it seems that roughly through Shakespeare's time, English speakers had a common-sense physics in which "velocity" was just a particular instance of a more general characteristic that we might describe as "prosperity" or "power".

The word rapid comes from Latin rapidus, an adjectival form of rapere "to seize, carry off", and was borrowed into English in the 17th century. So "rapidly" was originally "snatchingly". Does this reinforce the idea of velocity as prosperity?

It's not just these two words. The earliest citation in the OED for velocity is 1550, borrowed from French vélocité, in turn from Latin velox. And velox did mean "rapid" in Latin, but the AHD tells us that its indo-european root was weg-, meaning "to be strong, be lively".

The word quick, of course, originally just meant "living". It was used figuratively in extended senses like "lively, witty; busy, full of activity; vivid in color, or loud and clear in voice, or pungent in smell; keenly felt". The extensions to motion began in cases where inanimate things moved almost as if alive, like quicksand or flowing water.

The OE word swift originally meant "to move in a sweeping manner".

Fast originally meant "firmly fixed" or "strong".

The words for other physics concepts have undergone a similar evolution. One that particularly struck me was the history of distance. The OED's etymological note explains:

[a. OF. destance, distance (13th c. in Littré), ad. L. distantia 'standing apart', hence 'separation, opening (between); distance, remoteness; difference, diversity', f. distant-em pr. pple., DISTANT. By a further development, OF. destance had the sense 'discord, quarrel', which was also the earliest in Eng. ... ]

Thus the earliest English sense of distance was "the condition of being at variance; discord, disagreement, dissension; dispute, debate". According to the OED, the meaning "fact or condition of being apart or far off in space; remoteness" does not emerge until the late 16th century.

How about time? Well, OED's etymological notes says:

[OE. tíma = ON. tími, wk. masc., time, fit or proper time, (first, etc.) time, good time, prosperity (Da. time, Sw. timme an hour),:—OTeut. *tî-mon-, app. f. a root tî- to stretch, extend (see TIDE n.) + abstr. suffix -mon, -man ...]

There's that prosperity stuff again. And according to the AHD, the IE root involved is "to divide", which (like stretching) also applies to space, substances and groups (as in demos-derived words like "democracy" and "epidemic", where the divisions are social).

At least in lexicographic terms, the Indo-European languages do not, contrary to what Whorf says, share a linguistic history that predisposes their speakers unconsciously to a particular physics of time, distance, velocity and so on. In particular, the English words for those abstract physical concepts developed rather late, mostly as part of a conscious effort to import or develop explicit physical theories. And the terms used were figurative or metaphorical extensions of much juicier and more concrete words for things like "strength" and "discord" and "being alive".

I fancy that you can see this process at work in Thomas Hobbes' ponderous discussion of the meaning of velocity, in Chap. VIII of Elementa Philosophica (1656), which supplies the OED's earliest citation for the "rate of motion" sense of that word. Here Hobbes seems to be struggling to force the English language to convey something that it was not historically prepared to express easily:

15. Motion, in as much as a certain length may in a certain time be transmitted by it, is called VELOCITY or swiftness; &c. For though swift be very often understood with relation to slower or less swift, as great is in respect of less, yet nevertheless, as magnitude is by philosophers taken absolutely for extension, so also velocity or swiftness may be put absolutely for motion according to length.

(If you're suprised, as I was, by the idea of length being transmitted by motion, try the hypothesis that Hobbes intended "transmitted" to mean something like "traversed". The alternative would yield a very non-Newtonian physics indeed!)

In the opening chapter of the same work, Hobbes offers an excuse in advance for the need to write in this way:

I am not ignorant how hard a thing it is to weed out of men's minds such inveterate opinions as have taken root there, and been confirmed in them by the authority of most eloquent writers; especially seeing true (that is, accurate) Philosophy professedly rejects not only the paint and false colours of language, but even the very ornaments and graces of the same; and the first grounds of all science are not only not beautiful, but poor, arid, and, in appearance, deformed.

This is not, I think, just a rejection of sophistry. Hobbes is telling us that philosophical truth is likely to be linguistically unnatural, at least when first expressed. Far from taking for granted the metaphysics implicit in his native language, he is willing to try to start over, deriving new basic concepts and somehow finding ways to express them.

This was the method of enlightenment science in general, it seems to me. When it worked, as in Newton's physics, the results were stunning. And paradoxically, it's the residual prestige of this willingness to see all things new, reinforced by Einstein's example, that Whorf evokes in arguing that the "various grand generalizations of the Western world, such as time, velocity, and matter" are merely "the rationalizing techniques elaborated from [the] patterns" of "a few recent dialects of the Indo-European family".

[A list of several dozen other LL posts that mention Whorf can be found here.]

Posted by Mark Liberman at February 25, 2008 08:21 AM
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AFP.com | Agence France-Presse, a global news agency


geneticist creating life form that turns CO2 to fuel

28/02/2008 20h49

Dr. J. Craig Venter
©AFP/HO/File - Evan Hurd

MONTEREY (AFP) - A scientist who mapped his genome and the genetic diversity of the oceans said Thursday he is creating a life form that feeds on climate-ruining carbon dioxide to produce fuel.

Geneticist Craig Venter disclosed his potentially world-changing "fourth-generation fuel" project at an elite Technology, Entertainment and Design conference in Monterey, California.

"We have modest goals of replacing the whole petrochemical industry and becoming a major source of energy," Venter told an audience that included global warming fighter Al Gore and Google co-founder Larry Page.

"We think we will have fourth-generation fuels in about 18 months, with CO2 as the fuel stock."

Simple organisms can be genetically re-engineered to produce vaccines or octane-based fuels as waste, according to Venter.

Biofuel alternatives to oil are third-generation. The next step is life forms that feed on CO2 and give off fuel such as methane gas as waste, according to Venter.

"We have 20 million genes which I call the design components of the future," Venter said. "We are limited here only by our imagination."

His team is using synthetic chromosomes to modify organisms that already exist, not making new life, he said. Organisms already exist that produce octane, but not in amounts needed to be a fuel supply.

"If they could produce things on the scale we need, this would be a methane planet," Venter said. "The scale is what is critical; which is why we need to genetically design them."

The genetics of octane-producing organisms can be tinkered with to increase the amount of CO2 they eat and octane they excrete, according to Venter.

The limiting part of the equation isn't designing an organism, it's the difficulty of extracting high concentrations of CO2 from the air to feed the organisms, the scientist said in answer to a question from Page.

Scientists put "suicide genes" into their living creations so that if they escape the lab, they can be triggered to kill themselves.

Venter said he is also working on organisms that make vaccines for the flu and other illnesses.

"We will see an exponential change in the pace of the sophistication of organisms and what they can do," Venter said.

"We are a ways away from designing people. Our goal is just to make sure they survive long enough to do that."

Thursday, February 28, 2008

Sanjay, Manyata withdraw marriage declaration - National News – News – MSN India - News

Sanjay, Manyata withdraw marriage declaration - National News – News – MSN India - News

Sanjay, Manyata withdraw marriage declaration
Panaji: Bollywood actor Sanjay Dutt and his wife Manyata have filed a joint declaration with South Goa's registration authorities seeking withdrawal of their marriage declaration.South Goa's Salcette Sub Registrar's office said that both have filed a joint declaration stating that they do not desire to solemnise their marriage under the Portuguese Civil Code, 1867.The duo in their affidavit has said that they have been informed that marriage in Goa is governed by the Portuguese Civil Code, 1867. Both have declared that they intended to get married as per the Special Marriage Act, 1954."We are now informed that this Act is not extended to the state of Goa," the declaration reads.With a desire to revoke and withdraw their declaration of marriage, the duo has said the documents annexed therewith be treated as withdrawn and cancelled from all legal effect. Sanjay Dutt and Manyata had filed a declaration before Salcette Sub Registrar Chandrakant Pissurlekar on February seven. The declaration, which was marred with controversy and allegation of forgery, was supposed to be confirmed within 90 days.The authorities, who prima facie found that the Goa residence certificate given by Manyata was questionable, had kept the marriage registration on hold after suspending the certificate.© Copyright 2008 HT Media Ltd. All rights reserved.

Tuesday, February 26, 2008

'Doomsday' seed vault to open in Norway - CNN.com

'Doomsday' seed vault to open in Norway - CNN.com

26 Feb 2008

'Doomsday' seed vault to open in Norway
Story Highlights
Ultimate safety net for the world's seed collections opens in Norway this week
Can hold up to 4.5M seed samples, will eventually house most types of key crops
Norwegian govt. paid to build vault in mountainside between Norway and North Pole
Similar to an existing seed bank in England that works with wild plants
Next Article in World »
Read
VIDEO
var clickExpire = "-1";



LONGYEARBYEN, Norway (CNN) -- A vast underground vault storing millions of seeds from around the world is scheduled to open this week in a mountain on a remote island near the Arctic Ocean.

The inside of one of the vaults at the Svalbard Global Seed Vault, which will hold 4.5m different seed types.

Dubbed the "Doomsday Vault," the seed bank is considered the ultimate safety net for the world's seed collections, protecting them from a wide range of threats including war, natural disasters, lack of funding or simply poor agricultural management.
The Norwegian government paid to build the vault in a mountainside near Longyearbyen, in the remote Svalbard islands between Norway and the North Pole. Building began last year, and the vault is scheduled to open officially Tuesday.
The Svalbard Global Seed Vault, as it is officially known, can hold as many as 4.5 million seed samples and will eventually house almost every variety of most important food crops in the world, according to the Global Crop Diversity Trust, which is paying to collect and maintain the seeds. Watch a tour of the frigid vault
The United Nations founded the trust in 2004 to support the long-term conservation of crop diversity, and countries and foundations provide the funding.
"The seed vault is the perfect place for keeping seeds safe for centuries," said Cary Fowler, executive director of the trust. "At these temperatures, seeds for important crops like wheat, barley and peas can last for up to 10,000 years."
The vault's location deep inside a mountain in the frozen north ensures the seeds can be stored safely no matter what happens outside.
"We believe the design of the facility will ensure that the seeds will stay well-preserved even if such forces as global warming raise temperatures outside the facility," said Magnus Bredeli Tveiten, project manager for the Norwegian government.
Don't Miss
Web site: The Svalbard Global Seed Vault
The vault sits at the end of a 120-meter (131-yard) tunnel blasted inside the mountain. Workers used a refrigeration system to bring the vault to -18 degrees Celsius (just below 0 degrees Fahrenheit), and a smaller refrigeration system plus the area's natural permafrost and the mountain's thick rock will keep the vault at least -4 C (25 F).
The vault at Svalbard is similar to an existing seed bank in Sussex, England, about an hour outside London. The British vault, called the Millennium Seed Bank, is part of an scientific project that works with wild plants, as opposed to the seeds of crops.
Paul Smith, the leader of the Millennium Seed Bank project, said preserving the seeds of wild plants is just as important as preserving the seeds of vital crops.
"We must give ourselves every option in the future to use the whole array of plant diversity that is available to us," Smith told CNN.
The idea for the Arctic seed bank dates to the 1980s but only became a possibility after the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources came into force in 2004, the Norwegian government said. The treaty provided an international framework for conserving and accessing crop diversity.
Svalbard is designed to store duplicates of seeds from seed collections around the world.
The Norwegian government says it has paid 50 million Norwegian Kroner ($9.4 million) to build the seed vault. E-mail to a friend
CNN's Becky Anderson contributed to this report
All About Norway
Saving the seeds 1:46CNN's Becky Anderson takes us to a vault where the world's seeds are kept safe in case of a catastrophe.
'Doomsday' seed vault to open in NorwayWorld News - International Headlines, Stories and Video from CNN.comSource: CNN Added February 25, 2008
Saving the seeds1:46
Millennium Seed Bank2:27
more CNN videos »
The story
A vast underground vault storing millions of seeds from around the world is scheduled to open this week in a mountain on a remote island near the Arctic Ocean.
Dubbed the "Doomsday Vault," the seed bank is considered the ultimate safety net for the world's seed collections, protecting them from a wide range of threats including war, natural disasters, lack of funding or simply poor agricultural management.
The Norwegian government paid to build the vault in a mountainside near Longyearbyen, in the remote Svalbard islands between Norway and the North Pole. Building began last year, and the vault is scheduled to open officially Tuesday. Read full article »
CNN's Becky Anderson contributed to this report
All About Norway
Don't Miss
Web site: The Svalbard Global Seed Vault
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Survey: Americans switching faiths, dropping out - CNN.com

Survey: Americans switching faiths, dropping out - CNN.com


updated 12:47 p.m. EST, Mon February 25, 2008



Survey: Americans switching faiths, dropping out
Story Highlights
Survey: U.S. about to lose its status as a majority Protestant nation
Non-denominational churches are gaining members
25 percent of adults leave faith of their upbringing
Survey found a dropping confidence in organized religion
Next Article in Living »
var clickExpire = "03/26/2008";



(AP) -- The U.S. religious marketplace is extremely volatile, with nearly half of American adults leaving the faith tradition of their upbringing to either switch allegiances or abandon religious affiliation altogether, a new survey finds.

The survey found the Roman Catholic Church has lost more members than any faith tradition.

The study released Monday by the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life is unusual for it sheer scope, relying on interviews with more than 35,000 adults to document a diverse and dynamic U.S. religious population.
While much of the study confirms earlier findings -- mainline Protestant churches are in decline, non-denominational churches are gaining and the ranks of the unaffiliated are growing -- it also provides a deeper look behind those trends, and of smaller religious groups.
"The American religious economy is like a marketplace -- very dynamic, very competitive," said Luis Lugo, director of the Pew Forum. "Everyone is losing, everyone is gaining. There are net winners and losers, but no one can stand still. Those groups that are losing significant numbers have to recoup them to stay vibrant."
The U.S. Religious Landscape Survey estimates the United States is 78 percent Christian and about to lose its status as a majority Protestant nation, at 51 percent and slipping.
More than one-quarter of American adults have left the faith of their childhood for another religion or no religion at all, the survey found. Factoring in moves from one stream or denomination of Protestantism to another, the number rises to 44 percent.
One in four adults ages 18 to 29 claim no affiliation with a religious institution.
"In the past, certain religions had a real holding power, where people from one generation to the next would stay," said Penn State University sociologist Roger Finke, who consulted in the survey planning. "Right now, there is a dropping confidence in organized religion, especially in the traditional religious forms."
Lugo said the 44 percent figure is "a very conservative estimate," and more research is planned to determine the causes.
"It does seem in keeping with the high tolerance among Americans for change," Lugo said. "People move a lot, people change jobs a lot. It's a very fluid society."
The religious demographic benefiting the most from this religious churn is those who claim no religious affiliation. People moving into that category outnumber those moving out of it by a three-to-one margin.
The majority of the unaffiliated -- 12 percent of the overall population -- describe their religion as "nothing in particular," and about half of those say faith is at least somewhat important to them. Atheists or agnostics account for 4 percent of the total population.
The Roman Catholic Church has lost more members than any faith tradition because of affiliation swapping, the survey found. While nearly one in three Americans were raised Catholic, fewer than one in four say they're Catholic today. That means roughly 10 percent of all Americans are ex-Catholics.
The share of the population that identifies as Catholic, however, has remained fairly stable in recent decades thanks to an influx of immigrant Catholics, mostly from Latin America. Nearly half of all Catholics under 30 are Hispanic, the survey found.
On the Protestant side, changes in affiliation are swelling the ranks of nondenominational churches, while Baptist and Methodist traditions are showing net losses.
Many Americans have vague denominational ties at best. People who call themselves "just a Protestant," in fact, account for nearly 10 percent of all Protestants.
Although evangelical churches strive to win new Christian believers from the "unchurched," the survey found most converts to evangelical churches were raised Protestant.
Hindus claimed the highest retention of childhood members, at 84 percent. The group with the worst retention is one of the fastest growing -- Jehovah's Witnesses. Only 37 percent of those raised in the sect known for door-to-door proselytizing said they remain members.
Among other findings involving smaller religious groups, more than half of American Buddhists surveyed were white, and most Buddhists were converts.
More people in the survey pool identified themselves as Buddhist than Muslim, although both populations were small -- less than 1 percent of the total population. By contrast, Jews accounted for 1.7 percent of the overall population.
The self-identified Buddhists -- 0.7 percent of those surveyed -- illustrate a core challenge to estimating religious affiliation: What does affiliation mean?
It's unclear whether people who called themselves Buddhists did so because they practice yoga or meditation, for instance, or claim affiliation with a Buddhist institution.
The report does not project membership figures for religious groups, in part because the survey is not as authoritative as a census and didn't count children, Lugo said. The U.S. Census does not ask questions on religion. E-mail to a friend

Thursday, February 21, 2008

The Scandalous God: The Use and Abuse of the Cross | Christian Century | Find Articles at BNET.com

The Scandalous God: The Use and Abuse of the Cross | Christian Century | Find Articles at BNET.com


The Scandalous God: The Use and Abuse of the Cross

The Scandalous God: The Use and Abuse of the Cross.

By Vitor Westhelle. Fortress, 192 pp., $22.00 paperback.

AMERICAN MEDIA consumers are fed such a steady diet of scandal that it's hard to imagine anything being universally considered scandalous anymore. The church, too, is well practiced in the art of domesticating scandal, especially the disturbing news of a crucified Savior.

So argues Vitor Westhelle, who wants to make the scandal of the cross both shocking and transformative once more. Westhelle, professor of systematic theology at the Lutheran School of Theology in Chicago and formerly a minister and professor in his native Brazil, demonstrates a vibrant mix of Lutheran, Latin American and liberationist sensibilities.

He has two main foci. In his first four chapters he offers a historical summary of the cross motif and of attempts at its domestication. The last six chapters are thematic, exploring the implications of a theologia crucis for various contemporary concerns. The book's strengths and weaknesses roughly correspond to this division.

Westhelle is most helpful as he traces how the church, from its earliest years through today, has sought to evade the brute tact that the cross was both divinely intended and revelatory. How could God die? And such a scandalous, ignoble death! Inherited assumptions and imported frameworks are predisposed to explain the cross by explaining it away, by interpreting it as an unintended if perhaps also unavoidable consequence of some other, more noble divine activity. The ancient heresies of Docetism and Ebionism sought to evade the scandal by using logic that is, Westhelle claims, echoed in some modern liberal and feminist theologies.

Current debates over the presumed violence of vicarious atonement and the call to replace it with nonviolent theories exemplify such evasion. Proponents of the latter kind of theory typically claim that God did not will the violence of the cross or use it to effect reconciliation--that the violence was merely the consequence of Jesus' prophetic refusal to back down before worldly power.

To Westhelle's mind, such efforts to maintain God's blamelessness effectively shield God from involvement in pain and death. For the dispossessed of the world, to claim that God has not intentionally embraced suffering and death implies that they are Godforsaken and beyond redemption. Yet Jesus' life and ministry are nothing if not a reversal of the world's expectations and values: born in lowliness, serving the marginalized, proclaiming the last first and the first last as a sign of the eschatological in-breaking of God's reign. In the trajectory of this paradoxical logic, Christ's crucifixion becomes "the really privileged place where apocalypse happens." God is powerful enough to surrender all power: this is the subversive message of the cross, which is foolishness to those who are perishing but God's true strength to those who are being saved.

Westhelle writes evocatively, aware that he is dealing with a subject that must not be pinned down. Being too precise would be another form of domestication. Here, too, he echoes Luther's rejection of worldly philosophy, with its allure of systematization, sublimation and control. The distinctiveness of theological discourse--in contrast to the semantic realms of earthly regimes--is that it "is closer to poetry than philosophy; it invests itself more in rhetoric than logic."

True to this description, Westhelle's style is dynamic and varied. He is engaging in typical academic theology one moment and quoting Brazilian poets the next; apparently undercutting "left-wing" theologians one moment, drawing on Foucault the next; citing a 17th-century Mexican nun one moment, Alice Walker's Celie the next, and then--in rapid succession--Jan Patoeka (a Czech dissident who died under police interrogation), Wendell Berry and Rainer Maria Rilke.

Often this impressionistic approach reveals unexpected and eye-opening juxtapositions. At other times it simply seems disjointed. In the latter part of the book Westhelle falls into a trap that he says a theology of the cross should prevent: excessive abstraction. For example, in the chapter "Cross and Esehatology," he insists that faithfulness to the biblical witness requires us to grasp how space and time are understood in scripture--but rather than turning to concrete exegesis, he braids his exposition together with ideas from the works of two novelists, Tillich, a seminary student, Anthony Giddens, Tzvetan Todorov, Karl Lowith, Hegel, Schleiermacher, Mircea Eliade, Rudolf Bultmann and others. The upshot? Westhelle gets far too caught up in the arcane preoccupations of certain intellectual circles. Yet flashes of insight continue. Westhelle does not so much build an argument as he strips arguments away so that readers may be scandalized into seeing again.

Reviewed by Robert J. Sherman, who teaches theology at Bangor Theological Seminary in Maine.

COPYRIGHT 2007 The Christian Century Foundation
COPYRIGHT 2007 Gale Group

Weakness of God: A Theology of the Event, The | Anglican Theological Review | Find Articles at BNET.com

Weakness of God: A Theology of the Event, The | Anglican Theological Review | Find Articles at BNET.com

Weakness of God: A Theology of the Event, The

The Weakness of God: A Theology of the Event. By John D. Caputo. Bloomington and Indianapolis, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2006. 299 pp. $24.95 (paper).

The concept of the event has been gaining currency in philosophical circles in recent years, most notably in the work of Jacques Derrida, Alain Badiou, and Jean-Luc Marion. What marks a new development in this concept is its application to theology. In The Weakness of God, John D. Caputo "crosses the wires" of deconstructionist philosophy and deft biblical hermeneutics to offer a profoundly refreshing and persuasive theology of the event.

In philosophy, the event is something that occurs, that happens, and by its very happening remains unanticipated, unlooked for, and unaccountable. Since all thought is driven more or less by metaphysics-by the desire to systematize and to classify-the event becomes a disruptive or deconstructive force that shocks us into new ways of thinking. Importantly for theology, Caputo and others have identified God with the event, since God cannot be classified according to the logic of human systems.

If the name of God contains an event, then traditional depictions of God as "the overarching governor of the universe" (p. 9) do us a disservice. Since un event has an ethereal, uncontrollable quality, theological metaphors that place God in a logic-driven economy (as in subject/ruler) fall short of the event. The desire for these names is "strong theology," which means a theology that seeks, and thereby recognizes, only power. However, even a cursory reading of the biblical texts shows us that God's "power" manifests itself amongst those who lack power: the slave, the widow, the orphan.

Caputo thus argues that God is best understood as a "weak force," which is the force of a call, a promise, a "powerless power" that can radically alter our lives, even as it can be easily ignored. This weak force is "foolishness" and a "stumbling block" to the world as Paul argued, since it is what is most contrary to the world. But how can we understand God as a weak force when the tradition undeniably dresses God up in power?

Caputo approaches this question by masterfully reading the creation stories (the Elohist and the Yahwist), alongside the work of Catherine Keller. He shows that the hallmark of God's power, creatio ex nihilo, contradicts the biblical account. Creation is not a grand metaphysical endeavor, but the bringing to life of the world, and the blessing of this new life as good. Furthermore, the Yahwist version suggests that there is something in creation left open to chance, something out of God's control, as the "fall" in the garden attests. Creation is an unfinished product: it is fragile, capable of unpredictable events, and yet it is good because Elohim has blessed it so.

The weak force of God thus permeates creation in the goodness of things, and this event manifests itself as the kingdom. This is where Caputos development of the event really shines. Crossing the kingdom stories with Immanuel Levinas and Derrida, the kingdom unfolds as a "sacred anarchy," where anarchy is the condition opposite the world. In the world, economic relationships are the rule-credits and debits must balance, and gilts must be repaid-whereas in the kingdom reversals of expectation are the norm-the sinner is favored over the elect; Jesus ministers to the pour and not the elite.

Further, the kingdom stories disclose several important traits that belie the event. There is the renewal of the heart and mind (metanoetics), and keeping time holy by focusing on the present ("give us our daily bread"). Forgiveness, a pure gift, is new time since the forgiven get a new start. Salvation is understood as repaired time, where the finality of "ruined time" is transformed by Jesus into something new. And finally, the currency of the kingdom is hospitality, which is the primary way in which we respond to the event. These traits allow Caputo to conclude that the kingdom is a way of living in the world, attuned to the weakness of God that we hear in the event of a call.

All told, Caputos effort shows us that contemporary critical thought and theology can be employed together in the service of uncovering theological truth. At its best, this book reminds us that the event of God is not in the power of the wind, nor the earthquake, nor the fire. Rather, God is heard in a still, small voice that culls us forth to the kingdom. And for those of us who see in the state of the world the demand to think and to name God anew, Caputo's work is indispensable.

DANIEL W. KYNASTON

University of Chicago Divinity School

Chicago, Illinois

Copyright Anglican Theological Review, Inc. Fall 2006
Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights Reserved

Wednesday, February 20, 2008

Caste groups want Tamil Nadu bifurcated - National News – News – MSN India - News

Caste groups want Tamil Nadu bifurcated - National News – News – MSN India - News

Wednesday, February 20, 2008
Caste groups want Tamil Nadu bifurcated
Chennai: Two political outfits on Tuesday demanded the bifurcation of Tamil Nadu into two smaller states "for effective administration".N. Sethuraman, founder of the All India Moovendar Munnetra Kazhagam, and A.K. Natarajan, chief of the Vanniyar Peravai, a dissident Vanniya group, said they were launching a "movement" to press for the bifurcation of Tamil Nadu "for effective administrative purposes".They proposed dividing the state into north Tamil Nadu and south Tamil Nadu. The demand comes a few weeks after the PMK, a Vanniya dominated party, said smaller states were needed for equitable development. The PMK has following in northern districts of Tamil Nadu and is in alliance with the ruling DMK which too has vote bank in north Tamil Nadu.The northern districts are considered a stronghold of M.K. Stalin, Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi's younger son, and seen as the future chief minister from the DMK.The districts in the south are strongholds of the DMK's opponent, the AIADMK, and of M.K. Azhagiri, Karunanidhi's elder son, whose supporters too want to see him as a chief minister.Source: Indo-Asian News Service

The mouse is mightier than the pen - National News – News – MSN India - News

The mouse is mightier than the pen - National News – News – MSN India - News

Tuesday, February 19, 2008
The mouse is mightier than the pen
Mumbai: For the last one month, Saranya Hariharan has been logging on to the Internet everyday and her mother has no objections. The 14-year-old shuts her books in the evening and takes online mock tests between 6 and 7pm.Having given 20 such tests till now on www.extramarks.com, what Hariharan likes most about the system is that results are instantaneous – all she has to do is hit the 'submit' button after taking the test. She has been scoring up to 80 percent and feels more confident about taking the real tests.“Since I get my scores immediately, I know where I stand post revision. It also enhances my speed. So if I am appearing for a math test, I am also solving problems alongside within the given time frame,” said Hariharan, student at Atomic Energy Central School Number 1, Chembur.With the board exams – CBSE, ICSE, SSC and HSC – just around the corner, giving mock tests online is being increasingly seen as a supplement for last minute revision – be it math, science or even social science. So apart from taking tests online, students refer to question banks, punch their doubts – which teachers answer – and can also see answers to doubts raised by other students from anywhere within the state or across the country.Courtesy a range of interactive educational portals, students can solve 40 questions from multiple chapters within 40 minutes or simply consult tutors for last minute questions and doubts.“Students are extremely stressed out at this time of the year and this can adversely affect their performance in exams. We wanted to provide high quality tutoring support to students,” said Chandan Agarwal, director for Learning Hour that's offering a free helpline for students with queries.Keeping in mind the syllabus change for State board students, Pune-based Prakash Kanade got together school teachers to set question papers and launched a site 'myssc' for science and math.So students have a choice – appear for the online mock tests or take a print of a full-fledged question paper, write it out and then compare it with the model answer paper posted on the site.“This is the first year that students will be faced with an exam where they have no model questions papers to fall back on. We thought it would be beneficial to students if they practice more,” said Kanade.Said Bhagyashree Patil, class 12 student of Vaze College, Mulund: “Considering everyone is clueless about what is important in terms of questions, I've started downloading papers and solving them.”Other students like Shalin Desai have been focusing on online math tutorials. He logs on to www.learninghour.com. Equipped with a headphone and microphone, the 17-year-old sits in the comfort of his home throwing questions at his tutor and getting his doubts cleared via video conferencing. “Once I am done studying, I am going to appear for the mock prelims online,” said Desai, student at NM College, Vile Parle. Till then, Shalin will go back to the recorded explanations of math chapters that he has saved on his computer.© Copyright 2008 HT Media Ltd. All rights reserved.

Blueline victim’s wife kills self - National News – News – MSN India - News

Blueline victim’s wife kills self - National News – News – MSN India - News


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Monday, February 18, 2008
Blueline victim’s wife kills self
New Delhi: A day after she lost her husband under the wheels of a Blueline bus, a 25-year-old woman hanged herself at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) on Monday evening. She leaves a one-month baby behind.According to police, Dalmia Biwi hanged herself with a shawl inside one of the toilets of the newly built Jai Prakash Narayan Apex Trauma Centre at around 6 p.m. The wails of the baby alerted the hospital staff, who broke open the toilet door to find the woman dead.Dalmia Biwi, a labourer from Jalpaiguri, West Bengal, was very upset after she lost her husband Aqueed Ali, 31, in an accident Sunday. The husband and wife with their baby were alighting from a Blueline bus in Nizamuddin area of south Delhi when another Blueline bus knocked down Aqueed.He was rushed to the hospital, but doctors declared him brought dead. Dalmia and the child survived. They were in the hospital for treatment of the minor injuries sustained in the accident."The woman had asked for the way to the toilet and closed the door from inside. She hanged herself with a shawl," Y.K. Gupta, chief spokesperson of AIIMS, told IANS."She had taken the baby inside. When the baby began crying, our staff broke open the door and found the woman dead," Gupta added. Police said her husband's death could be the reason for her suicide."She was also being counselled by an NGO, but preliminary investigations suggest that she was under mental trauma due to her husband's death," a senior police official said."We have registered a case and are investigating the matter. The child has been handed over to an NGO for care. We are in the process of informing their relatives in West Bengal," the official added. The privately operated Blueline buses in the national capital were responsible for over 120 deaths last year. This year, 13 people have already lost their lives to these buses.Source: Indo-Asian News Service

Tuesday, February 19, 2008

Diana was pregnant when she died - International News – News – MSN India - News

Diana was pregnant when she died - International News – News – MSN India - News
Tuesday, February 19, 2008
Diana was pregnant when she died
London: The investigation into the death of Diana, Princess of Wales, took a new turn on Monday, with Mohammed Al Fayed, the father of Dodi Fayed, who was killed along with Diana in the car crash in August 1997, insisting that Diana was indeed pregnant when she died. He also claimed she had told him that Prince Charles and Prince Philip — her ex husband and ex father in law, respectively — were trying to eliminate her.Deposing at the Royal Courts of Justice, where the fresh inquest into Diana's death is being held, Fayed declared: "Diana told me on the telephone she was pregnant. I am the only person she told."Insisting he would not make allegations, he nonetheless went on to add: "She told me she knew Prince Charles and Prince Philip were trying to get rid of her." He further claimed that French intelligence services had helped their British counterparts carry out Diana's murder.Fayed maintained that his relationship with the royal family soured once Diana's relationship with his son became known.After Fayed finished, the coroner, Lord Justice Scott Baker, summed up to the jurors. "It's his belief that a decision was taken to kill both Diana and Dodi. He places Prince Philip at the heart of the conspiracy," he stated. He added, " You will have to listen carefully to the witnesses you hear to see whether there is any evidence to support this assertion."© Copyright 2008 HT Media Ltd. All rights reserved.

'Devil Toad' fossil baffles scientists - International News – News – MSN India - News

'Devil Toad' fossil baffles scientists - International News – News – MSN India - News

'Devil Toad' fossil baffles scientists
Washington: A frog the size of a bowling ball, with heavy armor and teeth, lived among dinosaurs millions of years ago. It was intimidating enough that scientists who unearthed its fossils dubbed the beast Beelzebufo, or Devil Toad.But its size —4.54 kg and 40.64 cm long — is not the only curiosity. Researchers discovered the creature's bones in Madagascar. Yet it seems to be a close relative of normal-sized frogs who today live half a world away in South America, challenging assumptions about ancient geography.The discovery, led by paleontologist David Krause at New York's Stony Brook University, was published on Monday by the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.''This frog, if it has the same habits as its living relatives in South America, was quite voracious,'' Krause said. ''It's even conceivable that it could have taken down some hatchling dinosaurs.''Krause began finding fragments of abnormally large frog bones in Madagascar, off the coast of Africa, in 1993. They dated back to the late Cretaceous period, roughly 70 million years ago, in an area where Krause also was finding dinosaur and crocodile fossils. But only recently did Krause's team assemble enough frog bones to piece together what the creature would have looked like, and weighed.The largest living frog, the Goliath frog of West Africa, can reach 7 pounds (3.18 kilograms). But Krause teamed with fossil frog experts from University College London to determine that Beelzebufo is not related to other African frogs.It seems to be a relative of South American horned frogs, known scientifically as Ceratophrys. Popular as pets, they are sometimes called pacman frogs for their huge mouths.Like those modern frogs, Beelzebufo had a wide mouth and powerful jaws, plus teeth. Skull bones were extremely thick, with ridges and grooves characteristic of some type of armor or protective shield.The name comes from the Greek word for devil, Beelzebub, and Latin for toad, bufo.The family link raises a paleontology puzzle: Standard theory for how the continents drifted apart show what is now Madagascar would have been long separated by ocean from South America during Beelzebufo's time. And frogs cannot survive long in salt water, Krause noted.He contends the giant frog provides evidence for competing theories that some bridge still connected the land masses that late in time, perhaps via an Antarctica that was much warmer than today.

Monday, February 18, 2008

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Myanmar


Than Shwe runs out of options to defer democracy even as Aung San Suu Kyi raises the stakes for a negotiated settlement.
AP Aung San Suu Kyi meeting other leaders of the National League for Democracy in Yangon on January 30. She has sent a message to Than Shwe that he should facilitate dialogue at the “highest” political level.
Myanmar’s long-surviving military junta has, after having successfully asserted its sense of self-importance as a sovereign but intransigent player at a regional summit in Singapore last November, begun to run out of options to defer democracy at home for an indefinite period.
Not that the junta, which styles itself rather grandiloquently as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), is facing a new wave of popular uprising. Yet, the country’s military strongman, Senior General Than Shwe, in his plenipotentiary position, is up against a new reality in his unwilling but inexorable march towards a day of democratic reckoning.
Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy campaigner with her worldwide iconic image as a long-incarcerated Nobel Peace laureate, got a rare chance on January 30 to publicise her new initiative within the framework of an ongoing “dialogue process”. The junta had initiated this “process”, at the behest of a suddenly proactive United Nations, after failing to black out a stunning outburst of popular anger, which was articulated through remarkably peaceful waves of street marches day after day in late September last year. The SPDC did quell the revolt through indiscriminate use of force, which resulted in the death of a number of peaceful protesters; the actual toll is not yet acknowledged officially. But the spirit of that revolt is a living reality.
The junta’s crackdown on those protesters – Buddhist monks, students, new political activists and members of Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) – might have, in a sense, pushed an emerging revolution into a tactical recess. The democratic cause, however, remains in focus even now. It is in this context that she conveyed a no-nonsense message to the junta sometime in January.
The crux of the message is that the junta should initiate unconditional, substantive and time-specific talks with her at the highest political level. Than Shwe, who is known to hate the very idea of direct parleys with Suu Kyi, has now been asked to engage in precisely such talks. Her ongoing spell of house arrest continues to shock the conscience of the international community.
At the height of the protest marches last year, Suu Kyi became the silent but powerful patron-saint of the movement, even as a group of Buddhist monks made its way to her Yangon residence, for long the seat of her house arrest. She greeted the monks at the gate, the dividing line between her incarceration and personal freedom, and they dispersed after chanting prayers and acknowledging her unspoken but inspiring support. In a sense, it was this aspect of her unusual intervention that reminded the junta of Suu Kyi’s undying relevance to the democracy movement in Myanmar. Unsurprisingly thereafter, as U.N. Secretary General’s Special Envoy Ibrahim Gambari brought the moral pressure of the world body to bear on the junta last October, Than Shwe, who was until then averse to even uttering her name, agreed to start a “dialogue process”. Soon, he appointed a liaison officer to engage Suu Kyi.
When the SPDC allowed her to meet the members of NLD’s central executive committee at a designated place in Yangon on January 30, the liaison officer had already met her four times in as many months. However, neither the NLD nor the United States, the most vocal but by no means a particularly earnest or effective advocate of democracy in Myanmar, was at that time aware of the usefulness of the liaison officer’s exercise in intra-state diplomacy. The international community was generally dismissive of Than Shwe’s appointment of a liaison officer as no more than an empty gesture designed to diminish the external pressure on the junta to solve the issues arising out of its constant refusal to give up power and let the people have a government of their choice. To be mindful of these realities at the time Suu Kyi met her NLD associates on January 30 is not to gloss over Than Shwe’s long-lasting intransigence, though.
Suu Kyi told her NLD associates that she had asked the liaison officer to convey her message to Than Shwe that he should facilitate dialogue at the “highest” political level so that the process could be carried forward.
U Nyan Win, NLD spokesperson, told this correspondent over telephone from Yangon shortly after Suu Kyi’s meeting with the party’s central executive committee that her proposal, in essence, was that she should “meet the decision-maker, the policymaker” for any substantive progress in the ongoing “dialogue process”. According to Nyan Win, she had made it clear to the SPDC that these talks should take place as a “time-bound” exercise with “no prior conditions from both sides”.
The SPDC’s response was not known, he said. And it was clear that Suu Kyi, seeing no possibility of a breakthrough in her talks with the designated liaison officer with no real authority to negotiate a settlement, wanted to sort out issues in direct parleys with Than Shwe himself. The reference to “the decision-maker” is but the NLD’s political code for Than Shwe, who is not really recognised by the party as a legitimate ruler of Myanmar.
In a sense, Suu Kyi’s new initiative, which is designed to test the SPDC’s real game plan in having initiated the ongoing low-level dialogue with her, is no less aimed at quickening the pace of a negotiated settlement of the basic democracy issue. The political context of her initiative is as important as its substance.
AP Monks protesting against the government in Yangon in September last year. Though the junta's crackdown on the protesters has pushed an emerging revolution into a recess, the democratic cause remains in focus.
For some time before Suu Kyi raised the stakes through her initiative, the SPDC had been settling down to its business-as-usual routine – brutal this time, in the sense that the junta was beginning to behave as if no protest for political and economic justice had rocked that nation last year. The irony was that the SPDC had then felt compelled to bow to U.N. pressure even after quelling the protest by what the world body later saw as an excessive use of force against unarmed citizens of the country.
The importance of Suu Kyi’s initiative is also heightened by the fact that the SPDC had, after letting the U.N. have a say over Myanmar’s internal affairs, flatly refused to allow the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) a similar or even a fraternal say. Myanmar is a member of the 10-nation ASEAN. At the Singapore ASEAN summit last November, Myanmar bluntly told other member-states that they should steer clear of its internal affairs. After much deliberation, the ASEAN, under the able leadership of Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, let Myanmar go its way. But, in the process, the ASEAN did not minimise either the importance of the democracy issue in Myanmar or the importance of Myanmar itself as an issue before the regional forum.
The SPDC, though, saw its “triumph” at the last ASEAN summit as a matter of decisive freedom from the “intrusive” attitude of the regional forum with a somewhat limited range of concerns and capabilities. And, Than Shwe obviously convinced himself that the U.N., with far more concerns from across the world, should be relatively easier to deal with. At the U.N., he could, in his political calculus, count on the support of “friends” such as China and Russia, even if the U.S. were to try and pressure Myanmar on the democracy issue.
When Than Shwe agreed last year to let the U.N. get involved in Myanmar as an external interlocutor on the democracy-at-home issue, he had little choice because of the immediacy of the context then of a mass protest against his reign. By early February, however, he no longer saw any such clouds of popular anger on his narrow political horizon. Unsurprisingly, Gambari and other U.N. officials were then feeling frustrated that he was dragging his feet in letting the world body carry forward its role as an intermediary, as different from a direct mediator.
Just over a year ago at the U.N. Security Council, China and Russia had vetoed a U.S.-led move to censure Myanmar’s junta and pressure it to release political prisoners, including Suu Kyi. This is the latest peg on which Than Shwe would like to hang his political coat on, convinced that friends in utmost need are utter friends indeed. It was the first occasion China had vetoed, since 1973, a measure that did not pertain to Taiwan. Analysts Andrew Small and Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt have pointed out in a recent article that Myanmar, acting within a few days after Beijing’s relevant veto, gave a Chinese firm a significant oil-and-gas exploration contract, for which an Indian competitor had indeed “outbid”. It has also been pointed out that Beijing, despite bailing Than Shwe out with that veto, chose at the same time to ask him to “listen to the call of its [Myanmar’s] people”.
Much has happened in Myanmar and the rest of the world since that veto saga. It is common knowledge among international diplomats that China influenced Than Shwe, behind the scenes, to receive Gambari and interact with him at the height of the pro-democracy protests in Myanmar last September and October.
What Than Shwe should know, therefore, is that big powers have a wider agenda than their own strategic interests in a particular country at a given time. Moreover, it is understood that the relevant Russia-China vetoes on the Myanmar issue flowed from their common strategy of not allowing the U.S. to set a Western-style democracy as the global norm for internal rule in individual countries.
Moreover, China’s more recent actions in regard to Myanmar reflect the existence of another factor as well. The “call” of the people in an individual country is no less important than the generic principle of avoiding a global norm of internal governance in each state.
For Than Shwe, another factor to reckon with is the evidence by early February that Thailand is already on the road to the restoration of democracy, with the military rulers allowing the process to go ahead. And Thailand will be the next chair of the ASEAN later this year. Within Myanmar, too, Suu Kyi enjoys the full backing of her pro-democracy compatriots abroad, said Soe Aung, a dissident leader in exile. In all, Suu Kyi’s latest initiative is well-timed.

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GENDER ISSUESFrom the shadows
TEXT & PICTURES: VIDYA VENKAT
Transgender persons are finally getting their due with the Tamil Nadu government announcing a welfare board for them.
At home in Chennai, transgenders relaxing at a game of squares.
The slim and dusky figure is clad in a rainbow georgette sari, and the gold nose-ring and the hair tied in a bun at the nape of the neck have the unmistakable stamp of femininity, as does the name, Noori. But Noori was born Noor Mohammad. It was sometime during his teens that he realised his mind and body were at odds. He felt like a woman and drew inappropriate male attention in his neighbourhood and earned for himself pet names like Fathima.
His parents were worried for their young son. Noori recalls how the 13-year-old Noor’s maternal uncle stripped him and tied him to a tree, and poured jaggery syrup all over him and let ants feast on him. That was meant as a measure to discipline the “deviant” boy. An attempt by the family to force him into marriage was the last straw for Noor, then 18. He ran away from home in Ramanathapuram in Tamil Nadu. His last stop was Mumbai, where he joined a eunuch clan, and his transformation from Noor to Noori was complete.
The personal struggles of those like Noori are acquiring a political dimension today as the transgender community has become more vocal in demanding its rights. Noori, 58, who set up the South India Positive Network for the HIV-infected in Chennai in 2001 and runs it, flashed a smile as she arrived at the office of the Tamil Nadu State Commission for Women (SCW) on January 28 along with other members of the group. They had come for a function to record their thanks to the Tamil Nadu government for announcing that it would set up a welfare board for the transgender community. “This is an important victory for people like us who are fighting an everyday battle to secure our rights,” said Noori.
The transgender community in India, represented largely by hijras and kothis, has long borne the brunt of male chauvinistic social prejudices and draconian laws that criminalised alternative sexuality. This is despite the fact that India has a 4,000-year history of ‘third gender’ and eunuch culture. While a hijra is a biological male taking on the gender role of a female, a kothi is a feminine homosexual. A hijra typically undergoes castration and dresses in women’s clothes to assert the feminine gender identity.
Since gender change is not recognised legally in India, a transgender person does not enjoy the natural privileges of his/her acquired gender. Such people are denied civil and political rights and cannot do things others do, such as find mainstream jobs, vote, marry, inherit property or adopt a child. Pushed to the periphery as social outcasts, they have to beg, dance or do sex work for survival.
There has been no enumeration of the transgender population in India and this has left a huge gap in data on its socio-economic status. In 1994, transgender persons got the voting right but the task of issuing them voter identity cards got caught up in the “male or female” question. Several of them were denied cards with the sexual category of their choice.
Priya Babu, a transgender activist and writer based in Chennai, said that despite a Madras High Court ruling in 2004 several aravanis (as hijras are called in Tamil Nadu) were denied voter identity cards that recognised them as female. The court had ruled that the transgender person could register as “either male or female” based on his or her statement.
There have been odd instances of transgender persons occupying positions of political power – Shabnam Mausi became Member of Parliament from Sohagpur in Madhya Pradesh in 2000 and Kamla Jaan was elected Mayor of Katni in Madhya Pradesh in 2000 – but these have not significantly empowered the larger community.
In fact, in the case of Kamla Jaan, in August 2002 the Madhya Pradesh High Court invalidated her election on the grounds that a eunuch is “essentially male” and therefore cannot contest from a seat reserved for women. The court, in effect, did not recognise a person’s right to choose his or her gender identity.
In 2005, the Central government introduced a category ‘E’ in passport application forms where ‘E’ stands for eunuch. But transgender people are not satisfied with this. They are sensitive to the stigma that words such as eunuch bear and do not want to be addressed thus.
Asha Bharati, president of the Tamil Nadu Aravanigal Association, felt it was ridiculous that they were addressed with this archaic term. “We are no longer the castrated men who guarded royal harems of Arab kings,” she quipped.
In the past 10 years concern about the transgender community became widespread owing to the fear of the spread of HIV/AIDS (human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome). Since the hijra/kothi community has been found to engage in sex work, numerous non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have mapped them as “vulnerable population” for HIV/AIDS intervention projects.
A consequence of this has been the mobilisation of the community to demand their rights. Indeed, the Tamil Nadu government’s decision to set up a welfare board for them was the result of such NGO mobilisation of transgender persons in the State. On December 17, 2007, the Tamil Nadu AIDS Solidarity Action (TASA), which is a network of 18 NGOs, and the State Commission for Women (SCW) organised a public hearing where members of the transgender community spoke of human rights violations and other atrocities they faced.
Listening to them was a six-member jury – K.M. Ramathal, chairperson of the SCW; K. Sampath Kumaran, retired Punjab High Court Judge; K.M. Marimuthu, former Vice–Chancellor of Bharathiyar University; Ossie Fernandez, director of Human Rights Research and Advocacy Foundation; P. Kalimuthu, former Tamil Nadu Director General of Police; and Qudsia Gandhi, member of the SCW – whose recommendations formed a key input for the State government’s decision. Moving testimonies
Pramila (name changed), an aravani sex worker from north Chennai, recounted how as a teenager she was belted by her father for cross-dressing. “Had he empathised with me instead of accusing me, I would never have ended up in the sex trade,” she said. She added that she did sexual favours for the police “free of cost” just to keep them at bay.
At the public hearing in Chennai on December 17, transgender persons in a section of the audience. The report of the jury at the hearing formed an important input in the Tamil Nadu government's decision to set up a welfare board for transgender persons.
Asha Bharati told Frontline that when changes in gender expression of a child became obvious – and that happened usually with the onset of puberty – parents resorted to policing the child’s sexuality and adopted cruel measures to ensure gender conformity. She recalled the case of a young boy whose parents administered electric shock to his genitals in an attempt to “fix” his fondness for girls’ clothes. “They hoped it would rouse the man in him,” she said. Even ‘honour killings’ of transgender persons were not uncommon, she said and added that “such stories never reach the outside world”.
Gender discrimination against the community takes other forms as well. At the hearing, Devi (name changed) spoke of discrimination against aravanis in hospitals, in the form of sexually coloured remarks during medical examination. She said in government hospitals doctors would ask them to show their genitals to medical students, “as if they were some museum display”. Another complaint was that aravani women were denied admission in female wards of hospitals. Marginal existence
The media, too, was blamed for seeking to portray transgender persons in poor light. Priya Babu waved a news clipping from a Tamil daily and pointed to the photo of a half-naked aravani who had been arrested. She asked, “Why should an aravani be humiliated like this? Would the newspapers have done this to a woman?”
Transgender persons also complained about facing ridicule and insult in public places. Derogatory remarks, alluding to their sexual orientation, were directed at them, they said. Over the years, transgender persons have, as a community, developed their own parallel society with its unique language and tradition. They live in isolated communes called ‘jamaat’, which follow a matriarchal family system. It comprises a ‘nayak’, who as the chief of the clan appoints a ‘guru’ – usually an elderly hijra – to initiate the ‘chela’ (follower) into the group.
Asha Bharati said that members of a commune shared intimate female bonding and often addressed one another as mother or sister. “That way we also do not miss our homes,” she said.
Transgender persons have negotiated their space in society by appropriating religious and cultural beliefs. For instance, the Siva-Sakthi cult in north India gives legitimacy to the sexual middle ground occupied by hijras through the ardhanaarishvara symbol which portrays Siva in the half-male, half-female form.
Then there is the legend of the Bahuchara Matha, who was once a princess who castrated her husband because he preferred going to the forest and “behaving like a woman” instead of consummating their marriage. Another story goes that a man who attempted to molest Bahuchara Matha was cursed with impotence. The goddess forgave him only after he shed his masculinity, dressed as a woman and worshipped the goddess. In Gujarat there is a temple dedicated to this goddess.
Till date hijras undergo castration with the ritual belief that they are sacrificing their maleness to get the blessings of the goddess. At the hearing many of them said they no longer wanted to undergo crude castration but wanted facilities in government hospitals for the surgery.Branded by law
Turned away from homes at a young age, several of them lack education and employment and lead insecure lives. Some of them told Frontline that the police routinely arrested them on the charge of soliciting clients. At the public hearing, they said the police often demanded sexual favours from them or else threatened to arrest them.
Banu from Pulianthope in north Chennai narrated a 2006 incident in which she and her aravani friends were suspected of involvement in a murder case. She alleged that the police had no convincing evidence of their involvement in the crime, yet they were beaten up and defamatory reports about them appeared in the local press. “The police target us for any crime that happens in our area,” she said. After the incident Banu was forced to vacate her house though she was found innocent.
Branding the transgender person a ‘criminal’ has a history to it. Under the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871, eunuchs were considered “criminal by birth” and could be arrested on mere suspicion. Though the Act stands repealed now, the community continues to bear the stigma attached to it.
Another piece of legislation that goes against the interest of the transgender community is Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), which criminalises “unnatural sex”. This colonial legislation is seen as an outdated law that infringes on the right of adults to engage in consensual sex, heterosexual or otherwise. The Act criminalises sodomy and, therefore, makes hijra and kothi persons vulnerable.
In its 172nd report, the Law Commission, chaired by retired Justice Jeevan Reddy, recommended that Section 377 of the IPC be repealed. The recommendation, however, was made in the context of a redefined law on sexual assault to replace the old law on rape.
Kokila, 59, a transgender, performs puja at a shop in Chennai. Besides doing such work, she begs for a living and wants the government to grant her pension.
The report of a study of kothi and hijra sex workers in Bangalore, conducted by the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) in Karnataka in 2003, notes that the recommendation to scrap Section 377 was made without any reference to the discrimination transgender persons faced because of it. The report observes, “To be a homosexual or a hijra is to draw the presumption that the person is engaging in ‘carnal intercourse against the order of nature (as stated in the law)’.”
Such an interpretation makes the transgender community vulnerable to harassment. A progressive revision of laws is an important step to eradicate the social prejudices against transgender persons. The International Bill of Gender Rights adopted by the International Conference on Transgender Law and Employment Policy in Texas, United States, in 1995 provides an ideal course to follow while considering legal reforms.
It lays down that all human beings have the right to define their own gender identity; express their gender identity; secure and retain employment and receive just compensation; control and change one’s own body; enjoy competent medical and professional care; sexual expression; form committed, loving relationships and enter into marital contracts; and conceive, bear and adopt children and exercise parental capacity.
The Yogyakarta Principles – a set of international legal principles on the application of international law to human rights violations on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity – also bring greater clarity and coherence to the human rights obligations of states. The principles were drafted by a distinguished group of international human rights experts at a meeting held in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, from November 6 to 9, 2006.
These principles recognise that sexual orientation and gender identity are integral to every person’s dignity and humanity and must not be the basis for discrimination or abuse. It also views critically the policing of sexuality, which remains a potent force behind continuing gender-based violence and gender inequality.
The welfare board that the Tamil Nadu government has announced could well be the first step towards reversing the discrimination suffered by the transgender community. Transgender persons can secure their entitlements such as social security and citizenship rights through the board. They can seek support to alter the manner in which they are perceived in society. Ramathal said the board would ensure a life of dignity for transgender persons. She also urged other States to follow the example set by Tamil Nadu.
The Department of Social Welfare in Tamil Nadu passed a government order (G.O.) in December 2006 with recommendations to improve the living conditions of aravanis. The G.O. strongly favours counselling as a means to deter families from disowning a transgender child. It also recommends counselling for children with behaviour changes in schools, for which teachers need to be specially trained. The G.O. is clear that there is no ban in admitting transgender persons in schools and colleges and that no discrimination should be shown against such persons on account of their sexual identity. The G.O., however, is yet to be implemented and the welfare board presents an opportunity to put these steps into practice.
An important recommendation made by the jury following the December 17 public hearing was that cases against transgender women must be handled by women police alone to avoid sexual harassment in police custody. The jury also recommended that transgender women be protected under the Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Eve-Teasing Act, 1998. Ramathal also suggested that the Board of Film Certification should curb derogatory portrayal of the transgender community in movies and television serials.
These are the minimum first steps that have to be taken in the process of eventually integrating the transgender community into the mainstream.•
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New imperial order
SHELLEY WALIA
The book is relevant to the contemporary debate on the effects of globalisation, the dilemma of democracy and the menace of terrorism.

Imperial history is replete with revelations of the evil capabilities of the human race as is evident from the genocide of the natives in Africa and America, the holocaust accompanied with unimaginable fascist brutalities, the two Wars, and now rampant terrorist killings. Hannah Arendt points out in her book The Origins of Totalitarianism: “We can no longer afford to take that which is good in the past and simply call it our heritage, to disca rd the bad and simply think of it as a dead load which by itself time will bury in oblivion. The subterranean stream of Western history has finally come to the surface and usurped the dream of our tradition.” Eric Hobsbawm supports this view in his recent book, which warns that we are living in uncertain times, a “dangerous, unbalanced and explosive world” where the stability of the Cold War is missing and any ambition of a unipolar dominance is bound to fail in the face of pluralism that is the sine qua non of the present times.
As a historian, Hobsbawm has always endeavoured to write people’s history and the reason for this is his continued interest in left politics and socialism. He says in an interview: “The world, politics, history, is about ordinary people. Not special people. Not people who have any special situation, who expect to be special. It is about the kind of people, and I have tried to write a lot about this from the start, who nobody knows other than their neighbours in the old days. People are nothing very special, unless you fall in love with them. The point is this. In the sense you might say it is anti-elitist history. What I’ve been trying a lot in my history writings, not necessarily only in the big books but also in the other stuff, is to write about people, their role in history.”
He is, therefore, keenly involved in portraying a dark world of oppression that has resulted in a conflict with Western hegemony. This crisis in late capital society is stubbornly located in the structures of technological dominance, military violence and ideological legitimation. European violence is evident in its political and economic adventures, in the very savagery that lies under the veneer of civilisation as is clear in the art of Picasso or Gauguin, who reflect the darker side of the European man.
The wars waged by the West are an example of this deep-seated aggressive behaviour in the Western psyche wherein lies the supremacist attitude of setting goals for the world. If not Pax Britannica, then it is Pax Americana. However, Hobsbawm is of the view that the American economy is declining fast: “The growth of the world economy has resumed, but not so much in the West. It has resumed in China and in Asia. We see the relative decline of the American economy; not so much as a holding company of people who own things, but as an economy it is declining.”
Hobsbawm urges the modern-day world to take cognisance of the seriousness of the exceedingly disturbing problems confronting the human race. On the issue of racism, he is in favour of an open society that does not submit to petty tribal politics. The wider processes of society, according to him, not only contain the leadership of the ruling class, but address issues such as the problems of the working class, women’s movement, peace organisations, ethnic and national issues, environmental imbalances, religious bigotry, fight against fascism and terrorism, all of which join hands in building a major progressive and radical counter-hegemony.
These movements in the hands of various non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have fundamentally resulted in raising the consciousness of the marginalised, a development that becomes a self-conscious anti-imperialist Western strategy directed against the hierarchical cultural and racial assumptions of Western thought. “Simultaneous action in various parts of the world is now possible. How effective this is going to be remains to be seen.”
As recent history indicates, conflict continues across transnational boundaries, with minorities as well as the developing world struggling to move out of a subaltern status, sending out a clear message that cultural and political hegemony will not be stomached for long. Though we gradually move from a state-centric prominence towards a new, multifaceted international politics, contestation is basic in this decidedly complex world of interstate systems and the ongoing clash between localism and governance agenda generated by the forces of globalisation, the “mighty structures of capitalism” as Arundhati Roy puts it emphatically. In the same vein Auden would say: “I and the public know/ What all schoolchildren learn/ Those to whom evil is done/ Do evil in return.” If you rob people off their land and their self-determination and if you almost annihilate Iraq and Afghanistan, the logical reaction would be of deeply intense resistance from the oppressed.
Historians look before and after with a sense of longing or trepidation. The present state of the world, endangered by belligerent nationalism, clannish revulsion, and religious and ethnic zeal, is of immeasurable unease to all. The fundamental experience of one and all at the moment is slip-ups and kick in the teeth. What has happened has often been quite alarming and unforeseen. Whatever our response, the awareness that we were wrong about the Enlightenment dreams of peace and progress in the world must needle us to reconsider history as well as the rise of tyrannical, ideological or religious dictatorships. This disposition, incensed by the confrontational course of racial and religious discord, continues into the present century.
Following the overwhelming events of two world wars and the rise of authoritarian ideological dictatorships in the early part of the century, 20th century and new millennium thought has been characterised by distrust, over both the prospect of mankind and the potentially appalling effect of natural science. If socialism and conservatism have disintegrated, and politics in the advanced capitalist world is a plot to dupe the general public, it is explicable why many historians have written with a sense of reminiscence and pessimism. Portrait of a society
Though a political analyst needs emotional distancing to write about a period, Hobsbawm writes of his times that coincide with the larger part of the 20th century and the present. This is political writing, grand in ambition, eloquently rich and erudite, though formidable. It is a portrait of a society where once the Nazi and the communist experiments assured the restructuring of the world but, instead, the holocaust and numerous cases of widespread aggression taught us to look with scepticism at the foundations of human knowledge. It was Auschwitz and the Hiroshima bombing that determined Hobsbawm’s politics and his ardent concern in social reform with a conviction of standing up against state violence. He was the impetus behind the New Labour, which failed miserably in the hands of Tony Blair, the leader Hobsbawm termed as “Thatcher in trousers”.
As Hobsbawm argued in the late 1990s in his book The Age of Extremes, more than being circular, political history seems to be going downhill all the way. Each age wades deeper into its own blood, with the 20th century being the most degraded, as is evident from our age of genocide. This is in spite of the highest number of people receiving education in an age which had the positive features of emancipation, decolonisation and firm entrenchment of the women’s liberation movement.
So, what has science or reason or the Age of Enlightenment given humankind if not a “rising curve of barbarism”? The issue of growing terrorism, poverty and exploitation in the Third World concerns Hobsbawm in his recent book Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism making him wonder how the Western powers can possibly feel triumphant and secure over their progress. While the Eastern political systems have ceased to exist, the stability of the non-communist states, in both developed and developing countries, can also no longer be taken for granted. And, if on the economic front there is not much support, culture, too, with its high modernism keeps the masses out of its very exclusive engagements and aestheticism. Western civilisation slides conspicuously into instability and decline.
DESMOND KWANDE/AFP Shoppers in an almost empty supermaket in Harare in August 2007. The official inflation rate in September was 8,000 per cent. The issue of growing terrorism, poverty and exploitation in the Third World makes Hobsbawm wonder how the Western powers can possibly feel triumphant and secure over their progress.
Referring to the fallout of 9/11, Hobsbawm does not give any legitimacy to the United States’ foreign policy and its war on terrorism. Why should America go on scaring the world and itself? Hobsbawm’s answer to the question is simple: “Except it does help to pass laws which otherwise wouldn’t get passed. And the laws are mostly attacks on civil liberties, on the rule of law, and other things. That is the danger. Otherwise terrorism is not a political term at all and the war against terrorism is a meaningless phrase because a war against terrorism doesn’t operate like a war against another country. It can’t.”
Though Islamist movements, he argues, are getting stronger day by day, the reaction of the White House has achieved nothing but escalating “havoc” around the world. And of course within the U.S., too, especially with the end of the habeas corpus and with the crippling of liberal traditions so salient to the nation. “This is why it’s terribly important to maintain the independence of the judiciary. One of the weaknesses of the U.S. is that the Supreme Court has been less active in defending these traditional liberties than in some other countries.”
More than anything else he holds Blair guilty of contributing to the decline of New Labour and of playing a role in the war on terrorism: “Where Blair went wrong was Iraq,” he says. “At some stage a guy who began as a brilliantly intuitive election-winning politician discovered that he had a calling to save the world by armed intervention, and he had it even before he got on to the Americans.
Second worst is the complete forgetting that government is for ordinary people. The idea that the only thing that counts are the people who have managed to seize the opportunity in a free market and become rich and famous and celebrated, and to build the values of your society on that – this I think has been Blair’s fault; perhaps unconsciously he’s been biased in that way.”
Standing at a point of historic crisis, Hobsbawm blames the forces generated by the techno-scientific economy that are capable of destroying the environment, “the material foundation of human life”. He elaborates on this: “The structures of human societies themselves, including some of the social foundations of the capitalist economy, are on the point of being destroyed by the erosion of what we have inherited from the past. Our world risks both explosion and implosion. It must change.”
The contemporary narrative indeed heaps one abysmal disaster upon another, paucity flourishes amidst incredibly advantaged circumstances, and the world edges towards hostilities, scenes of bloodshed and natural disasters. Hobsbawm is of the view that “war in the 21st century is not likely to be as murderous as it was in the 20th century, but armed violence creating disproportionate suffering will remain omnipresent and endemic – occasionally epidemic – in a large part of the world.”
Within this context of late imperial culture, this engaging book by Hobsbawm becomes significant in throwing light on history as well as suggesting lessons for the future. He warns, “We are in a period of considerable trouble and crisis, rather as we were between the wars.”
And the only solution that he sees for the world is “precisely how this globalisation can be detached from a completely free capitalism, which is bound to end in enormous difficulties”.
The book becomes relevant to the contemporary debate on the effects of globalisation, the dilemma of democracy and the menace of terrorism which has a deep impact on our civilisation in general and on each one of us who are faced daily by the fear of terrorist attacks and public disorder. Global warming looms large before humanity and Western nations have to resolve to act. Though countries such as China do accept the gravity of the situation, they are not prepared to do anything that would adversely affect the growth of their economy. The market forces of the neoliberal world economy, according to Hobsbawm, are the real culprits, aided as they are by the wealthy nations of the world.
The continued and severe economic crises, the sale of millions of dollars worth of weapons to Pakistan, Iraq or Afghanistan, large-scale unemployment, the surfacing of fascism in Europe and intense estrangement with the new political structures effectively flatten the sanguinity of a “New World Order” and indicate only one certainty: that imperialism is here to stay.
The latest chapter of imperialism has assisted “the tempo of class struggle, as economic and political instability spark off working class resistance all over Western Europe”. In a book titled Empire, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have argued that the world is ruled by a new imperial order, different from earlier ones, based not on explicit military domination. Controlled by the world’s wealthy nation-states, by transnational conglomerates and by international institutions such as the World Trade Organisation and the International Monetary Fund, this empire, which is synonymous with globalisation, is manipulative, inequitable and despotic, not only for the South but also for the marginalised in the West. However, Hobsbawm visualises the gradual demise of the empire and the world order descending into such disruption that we do not know where we are headed.